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<p class=MsoPlainText><i style='mso-bidi-font-style:normal'>The labor movement,
as well as the civil rights movement, achieved their greatest influence when
the Democratic administration in power perceived the leadership of these social
movements as troublesome, unreliable, and unpredictable allies. ~ </i>Historian<i
style='mso-bidi-font-style:normal'> </i><b style='mso-bidi-font-weight:normal'>Nelson
Lichtenstein</b><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><span style='font-size:10.0pt'>-----Original Message-----<br>
From: Portside Labor <a href="mailto:labor-moderator@PORTSIDE.ORG">labor-moderator@PORTSIDE.ORG</a>
<span style='mso-spacerun:yes'> </span><br style='mso-special-character:
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<![endif]><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><span class=GramE><b style='mso-bidi-font-weight:normal'>Labor's
Role in the Obama Era: A Troublesome and Unreliable Ally?</b></span><b
style='mso-bidi-font-weight:normal'> <span class=GramE>by</span> Nelson Lichtenstein</b><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><a href="http://www.dissentmagazine.org/online.php?id=360">http://www.dissentmagazine.org/online.php?id=360</a>
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<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><span style='font-size:10.0pt'>Nelson Lichtenstein is
MacArthur Foundation Professor of History at the University of California,
Santa Barbara, where he directs the Center for the Study of Work, Labor and
Democracy. His most recent book is <i style='mso-bidi-font-style:normal'>The
Retail Revolution: How Wal-Mart Created a Brave New World of Business</i>. This
article is from a talk given at the AFL-CIO Executive Board Meeting on March 1,
2010.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>With a perilous set of midterm elections on the horizon, it
would be understandable if labor and its liberal allies just closed ranks with
President Obama and the Democrats, downplayed any disappointment they might
feel, and muted their critique of his often lukewarm liberalism. After all, if
the Republicans take one or both houses of Congress, then the whole Obama
presidency will be in danger.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>As every good unionist knows, solidarity is a great thing,
but in this case, it is the wrong prescription for the American labor movement.
Instead, the unions and other labor partisans should be difficult and demanding
allies of our president. History shows that such a posture would generate the
greatest political and organizational dividend, for labor as well as any
insurgent group that seeks to transform American politics and policy. To show
what I mean, <span class=GramE>let's</span> take a look at two eras of labor
and social movement success - the 1930s and the 1960s - in order to win a few insights
that might be useful for our own times. As Mark Twain once wrote, "History
never repeats itself, but sometimes it rhymes."<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>There are three points to <span class=GramE>be made</span>
about such times past. First, conservative movements and right-wing ideas actually
grow <span class=GramE>more extreme</span> in eras of liberal and labor reform.
We know that is true today, but it was also true at other moments of change or
potential change in twentieth-century U.S. history. Second, when a Democratic
administration is in power, the most potent and efficacious strategy for labor
and its leadership is to be - and <span class=GramE>be seen</span> as - a troublesome,
even unreliable ally. <span class=GramE>And third</span>, the labor movement needs
to be, and be seen as, a social movement. This does not come without
organizational costs. It is a dangerous strategy, but such a transformation is
essential if anything resembling an organized labor movement is to survive.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>We <span class=GramE>sometimes look</span> at past
moments of victory through rose-colored glasses, but neither the era of the New
Deal nor that of the civil rights movement in the 1950s and early 1960s were
times of uncontested liberalism. They were also times of mobilization, a
renewal of ideas, and activism on the Right. The opponents of reform were not
always out-of-touch reactionaries. They were often innovative and aggressive
men and women who would later achieve power and position when the political
winds tilted in their direction.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>The Right grew in these eras not because of too much radicalism
on the part of labor and civil rights activists, but because any great reform,
no matter how carefully put forward, polarizes a society. The rise of labor in
the 1930s created a kind of civil war even within the working class.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><span style='color:black'><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>It was mainly nonviolent, and it would later subside, but
such polarities <span class=GramE>can be expected</span> whenever many
Americans, even some that one might expect to be allies, see change as a
subversion of their religious or ideological worldview. In the 1930s, that
social and ideological civil war divided not just American parties, but also
churches, factories, and many communities. Anti-labor and anti-FDR rhetoric was
pervasive in the years of the Great Depression, even as the unions triumphed at
Flint and Pittsburgh and in the mines and mills of countless smaller towns.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>One of the great right-wing demagogues of that time was Father
Charles Coughlin, a Catholic priest from Royal Oak, Michigan who pioneered the
use of radio for sermons and political talk. He was a brilliant speaker whose audience
far exceeded, in comparative terms, the reach of Fox News and its most
flamboyant pundits. Coughlin had been a supporter of FDR and labor in 1933 and
1934 because he hated the big banks, the big corporations, and the Depression itself.
"Roosevelt or Ruin" was the slogan he deployed when FDR ran for
president in 1932.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>Indeed, Coughlin thought that Wall Street and the Communists
were the twin evils of a secular Satanism subverting the virtuous citizens of
the United States. <span class=GramE>And</span> as Elizabeth Warren has
reminded us in such compelling fashion, Americans really do mistrust the
bankers and the speculators of that New York street, today as much as eighty
years ago.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>Father Coughlin broke with FDR when he realized that the New
Deal would regulate Wall Street, not abolish it; and because Coughlin and some
other conservative Catholics believed that the new, militant industrial unions
(who deployed as organizers lots of socialists and Communists and other kinds
of secularists) were stealing the loyalty of their own parishioners right out
from under them. Indeed, it was the success of the UAW-CIO right in Coughlin's
own Detroit that sent him into a frenzy of anti-labor, anti-Semitic, and anti-FDR
invective. To Coughlin, the New Deal was a Jewish plot and the UAW a red front.
Sinclair Lewis was thinking of people like Father Coughlin, as well as Huey
Long, the roughshod governor of Louisiana, when he published in 1935 <i
style='mso-bidi-font-style:normal'>It Can't Happen Here</i>, a novel that
imagined a fascist dictatorship come to America.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>Father Coughlin was eventually defeated and silenced when
the very highest leaders of the Catholic Church realized that he was a grave
liability. The Church did not want to force American Catholics, who were
probably a majority of all the workers enrolled in the new unions during the later
years of the Great Depression, to choose between their Catholic faith and the
CIO and its New Deal allies. Cardinal Francis Spellman, the powerful,
conservative New York bishop, eventually told FDR and other federal officials that
he would stand aside if the federal government cut off Coughlin's radio
license.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>The first point to remember from this tale is that liberal
administrations and social movements are bound to face right-wing demagogues.
To defeat that threat, labor and other progressive groups must go after their
base. This <span class=GramE>is best done</span> by mobilizing their own
constituencies, to create an alternative structure of meaning and motion around
which those on the fence or even deep within the enemy camp may rally. That is
what the CIO did to Coughlin. The second point is that there was never an era
of good feeling in American politics, <span class=GramE>nor</span> for that
matter an era when labor and its liberal allies could comfortably command the allegiance
of a majority of the populace. They have always been under attack.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>The next important point to remember is that the labor movement,
as well as the civil rights movement, achieved their greatest influence when
the Democratic administration in power perceived the leadership of these social
movements as troublesome, unreliable, and unpredictable allies. Labor leaders
like John L. Lewis of the Mineworkers, Philip Murray of the Steelworkers, and
Walter Reuther of the Autoworkers were frequently seen by the White House as
"going off the reservation," a phrase I first encountered in the archives
at Hyde Park when I poured through the files of FDR's public policy staff.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><span class=GramE>In 1936 John L. Lewis took a half
million dollars from the UMW treasury - real money in those days - and parceled
it out to FDR's reelection effort, but on Labor Day 1937 Lewis denounced the
president for trying just a few months before to remain neutral during the
Little Steel strike, an industrial war that reached its bloody climax when ten demonstrators
were shot to death by police outside of the Republic Steel Corporation on
Chicago's South Side.</span> Declaimed Lewis in his rich Shakespearian voice:<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText style='margin-left:.5in'>Labor, like Israel, has many
sorrows. Its women weep for their fallen and they lament for the future of the children
of the race. It ill behooves one who has supped at labor's table and who has
been sheltered in labor's house to curse with equal fervor and fine impartiality
both labor and its adversaries when they <span class=GramE>become locked</span>
in deadly embrace.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>In 1940 John L. Lewis, by then president of the CIO, rejected
FDR's bid for a third term and supported Republican Wendell Willkie, because he
thought U.S. entry into the Second World War would lead to the same disastrous results
for labor as involvement in the Great War twenty years before: right-wing
reaction, strike-breaking, and the destruction of industrial unionism.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>John L. Lewis was a difficult and sometimes vain individual.
Did he win friends in the White House? <span class=GramE>Certainly not!</span> Did
he win respect for the labor movement and policies more to their liking? Yes,
if only because FDR and his advisors were determined, on the eve of the Second
World War, to ensure that labor would be an ally and that the influence of Lewis,
and the politics he represented, <span class=GramE>would be effectively marginalized</span>.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>The same was true of Martin Luther King Jr. and the civil
rights leadership in the early 1960s. Like the leaders of labor during the insurgent
1930s and 1940s, civil rights leaders were unreliable allies, because the
movements they represented were multifaceted and in many respects uncontrollable.
These ministers, students, and local activists were loyal <span class=GramE>first
and foremost</span> to the movement over which they tried to preside.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>Although King's canonization today often obscures the real
tensions that existed between his movement and the administrations of John F.
Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, King, like John L. Lewis, was indeed a
troublesome and unpredictable ally. When, in the late summer of 1964, LBJ asked
King to suspend demonstrations during the fall campaign, King was inclined to
go along, but he soon rejected the president's request because he simply did not
have the power or even the moral authority to enforce such a suspension on a
social movement then at flood tide. King thereby cemented his own leadership
and pushed the president to back with unprecedented vigor one of the nation's most
radical pieces of legislation, the 1965 Voting Rights Act, which finally
consigned a reactionary brand of states’ rights to the dustbin of
American history.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>One other example of this sort: just before May 1, 2006, Congressional
allies of the Latino organizations and unions that were about to stage a
massive "Day Without Immigrants" march advised organizers to hold off
- or at least to have their march on a Saturday, not a workday, when the event would
be less disruptive. <span class=GramE>But</span> the organizers, a very loose-knit
coalition, went ahead, and with magnificent results, which transformed a march
into a general strike and helped solidify a Latino-labor alliance that did much
to engender the massive vote for Barack Obama two years later. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>And now to my final point. The labor movement wins when it
is broad and inclusive, but the expansion comes with its own dangers. Today,
given the <span class=GramE>dire straits</span> in which the labor movement
finds itself, those risks must be courted. We know about those risks and
rewards from the experience of social movements in the recent past. The
feminist movement provides a fitting parallel. It has transformed America - but
who are the feminists, and how do you organize them? You <span class=GramE>don't</span>.
In the late 1960s and early 1970s when that movement took off, people simply
announced that they were part of the women's liberation movement: there was no
test, no membership card, no dues to pay, no line to follow.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>The same was true of the labor movement in the first third
of the twentieth century, before the codification of labor law and the creation
of the administrative apparatus necessary to enforce it. Under those circumstances,
there was plenty of room for a labor movement to define itself in expansive
fashion. Was it an immigrant rights <span class=GramE>organization which gave
voice to Southern</span> and Eastern Europeans recently stigmatized by the 1924
immigration restriction law? Was it a movement for industrial democracy, even
socialism, in which middle class people could participate, and even become
leaders? <span class=GramE>Or</span> was it a community mobilization in which women
and all sorts of non-workers of that time could play major roles?<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>Those questions remain controversial. In the early 1970s when
the feminist movement pushed at labor's door, many women unionists began to
organize a group that eventually became the Coalition of Labor Union Women. <span
class=GramE>But</span> would unaffiliated pro-labor feminists be allowed to
join? This would have added invaluable energy to the new labor-feminist
alliance, but it would also have transformed CLUW into the kind of grouping
that the labor leadership of that era might not entirely understand, much less
control. <span class=GramE>So</span> George Meany, who actually remembered
similar conflicts stretching all the way back to the Women's Trade Union League
in the 1920s, decreed that only existing union women could become part of CLUW.
That organization <span class=GramE>was built</span>, but it lost its links to
the feminist Left.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText>It is therefore not enough for organized labor to broaden
itself by welcoming new forces into its ranks. It must also adopt as its own
the students and activists who are now on the outside looking in. It is from
those unruly movements and initiatives that a new generation of activists will arise.
In courting such individuals, labor faces the unpredictable and the untidy,
because the AFL-CIO <span class=GramE>may well be held</span> responsible for
the actions and rhetoric of people it does not fully understand or control. <span
class=GramE>But that</span> is a risk that must be taken if we are to become a
social movement once again.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class=MsoPlainText><o:p> </o:p></p>
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